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The Search for Identity in American Studies: Paula Goddard ‘You Cuban?’ the man had asked my father, pointing a finger at his name tag on the Navy Uniform – even though my father had the fair skin and light brown hair of his northern Spanish family background and our name is as common in Puerto Rico as Johnson is in the U.S. ‘No,’ my father had answered looking past the finger into his adversary’s angry eyes, ‘I’m Puerto Rican.’ ‘Same
shit.’ And the door closed. (Judith
Ortiz Cofer – Puerto Rican Immigrant, writer, poet and university
lecturer) Reading
the above passage, Orwell’s famous lines come to mind: “All
animals are equal but some animals are more equal than others”
(Orwell, Chapter X). They make one wonder whether anyone has the right
to declare somebody is the same as or different from somebody else, or
they are worth less or more. I would suggest that nobody is in the
position to do so. Yet it seems some people seem to feel they form the
dominant part of a society, thus, determining and establishing a
culture that is centred on their experience and values. Being in such
a position more often than not obstructs one’s view; lessens one’s
chance of understanding the “less equal”. Enikö Bollobás in her essay
“Umpires and Fabulae of Old and New: New American Studies and the
Post-modern Episteme” explains when discussing Noam Chomsky’s
distinction between understanding and knowledge: True
understanding, he suggests, is not simply about knowledge, but about
change, often-personal change. Therefore the committed intellectual
– by speaking for the voiceless and empowering the powerless – is
seen as an instrument of change; in the same context, the university
“in a healthy society,” Chomsky argues, should take on a subversive
“social and intellectual role”.(8-9) How
can this personal change be achieved? How can one, not belonging to
any of the minority groups, develop a sensitivity to heed the faint
voices of the “less equal”? In
the following pages I would like to seek the answers through
considering the ways studying American culture can broaden one’s
horizons, or rather how it has broadened mine. In addition, I would
also like to draw some parallels with issues that are of major concern
in Hungary today. In doing so I hope to come to a conclusion regarding
whether a scholar who is not affected personally by the consequences of being
part of a minority culture can be an authentic voice in addressing the
specific problems. I would like to suggest that a possible answer lies
in the acquisition of the ability which Judith Fetterley talks about in her essay entitled “Reading
about Reading: ‘A Jury of Her Peers’, ‘The Murders in the Rue
Morgue’, and ‘The Yellow Wallpaper,’” as the ability to read
others’ “texts”. The
question arises: Why would a Hungarian student of English in Hungary
want to study American culture? What is there about America that can
attract the attention of a European with thousands of years of culture
to study? In my experience the ultimate appeal of studying American
culture is that it is fundamentally concerned with the question of identity
(or identities as the case might be). Defining one’s personal
identity is a universal concern, moreover, it can be a lifetime
enterprise, it is thus always a fascinating subject to study or think about. Studying American culture by its nature
forces one to reflect on this intricate matter.
Several factors including race, gender or social class
could be listed regarding what constitutes and forms one’s identity
However,
thinking about the United States, which is possibly the most diverse
nation in the world, will inevitably lead to asking questions such as
"What is it that makes a nation’s uniform identity?” “Is
there such a thing as ‘national identity’ at all?”. For decades
the answer would have seemed obvious
and would be given promptly, as scholars, in their trying to define
the ‘American mind and spirit’, were desperate and ready to cling
to any definition that reflected one unified, strong nation. As Alice
Kessler-Harris puts it: “The eyes with which we [Americans] have
seen have desperately wanted to see unity” (Kessler-Harris 340) One
might wonder why such a vast nation is so eager to melt its precious
diversity into coined ideals and imaginary values attributed to all
Americans, and label them with hollow phrases such as the American
individualism, pragmatism, optimism, idealism and progress. To
answer I would like to quote Barbara Christian, who in her essay
“The Race for Theory” makes the following observation in
connection with literary criticism - her observation, can equally be
applied to the present question as well: “Variety, multiplicity
…are difficult to control” (286).
If we consider the time when Frederick Jackson Turner presented his
highly influential paper “The Significance of the Frontier in the
American History”, by which he created a myth that was prevalent for
long decades, we will see that at that time America was just in a
period when it needed common ideals and myths.
The end of the 19th century was a period of great
industrial and intellectual fervour[i];
the nation’s
old unifying
forces (such
as religion) were
being more
than questioned, so the desire to see one unified nation with a
unified mind is understandable. Today, however, we must see and
acknowledge the validity of various different cultures that American
culture - whatever
that may be –
consists of. And this is what scholars of the “New Americanist”
approach have been trying to do. Robert F. Berkhoffer describes this
change in the following way:
There
has been a tremendous change in attitude amongst scholars of American
Studies. As Enikó Bollobás
puts it: “What was taken as ‘nationally valid’ has turned out to
be restricted to a small but powerful segment of society” (2).
Today, the main concern is the acknowledgment of the necessity to
shift centres from the products of a dominant culture to the also
existing, however, so far subordinate culture. The task is to
recognise that the American experience is not necessarily educated,
white and male as the old master texts of American culture readily
suggested. The
question of identity is also a political concern. Representation is
essential, as being represented in society equals existence. Not being
represented means being silent and silenced by the majority. Identity
is often understood in terms of binary oppositions, as has been the
case in American society for decades. In order to support this idea I
would like to quote Philip Fisher who in his “Introduction: The New
American Studies” observes that after the unifying myths of America
had been torn apart, a kind of regionalism emerged resulting in the
severe opposition of different minority groups as well as sub- and
super ordinate groups: In the regionalism of the past decades, identity is formed by opposition: black/white, female/male, Native American/settler, gay/heterosexual. Because of this opposition, identity is located above all in the sphere of politics… (xiv) Fisher
here primarily describes the situation in American universities but
his observations apply to the whole of American society. Politics here
chiefly means laws, movements, representation and the struggle for
representation, not only in politics but also in education. Such
binary division within a society seems dismissive and aggressive,
celebrating drastic separation rather than tolerance.
At this point I would like to quote Janice Radway again whose
observations regarding the nature of American society and the
mechanisms through which identity in the United Sates is constructed
correspond to Fisher’s comment quoted above. Radway talks about
relations of dominance and oppression which basically amount to what
Fisher refers to as “opposition”; as we know that the relationship
between heterosexuals and homosexuals/lesbians, whites and blacks,
males and females, settlers and Native Americans has not only been
oppositional but has also been fundamentally characterised by super-
and subordination: The point I am trying to make here is that the American national identity is constructed in and through relations of difference. As a conceptual entity, it is intricately intertwined with certain alterities which diacritically define it is as something that is supposedly normative, normal and central. As a material and social entity, it is brought into being through relations of dominance and oppression, through processes of super- and subordination. (9) In
my experience, pursuing American Studies, one will inevitably
encounter all the above issues regarding the question of identity and
will certainly be forced to consider these matters in relation to
oneself. This way, studying American culture encourages a
self-reflexive way of thinking and requires absolute empathy, and thus
the not particularly oppressed who have dealt with American Studies
will be able to speak for the oppressed, as they will be sensitive
enough to perceive problems and instigate solutions. In
the following I would like to briefly focus on Hungary, as I believe
the situation here today is in many respects similar to that of the
United States. Although Hungary is by no means as diverse in its
population as is the United States, here too people suffer from
identity crises, even if they do not belong to any of the minorities.
The reasons are the same as in America: for decades there had been one
(allegedly) unifying ideology which aimed to wipe out all other
thought, so in this sense Hungary also had its prevailing myth, namely
that of a “people’s republic”. It is difficult to decide which
has been more aggressive: the activity of the Hungarian propagandists,
or that of the people who advocated the American dream; but it was
equally dismissive of any other approach and it equally disregarded
the fact that a nation consists of different types of people. The
system deprived people of their own individual myths and tried to
replace them with some false ideology (what István Lázár calls the
“ideological and political-psychological baggage of the USSR” —
216), which was not theirs. Needless to say, it was all part of
Hungary’s desperate efforts to join the USSR in its war against the
“common enemy.” As a result, Hungarians, having awoken after the
collapse of the Soviet Union, all of a sudden found themselves without
any governing thought and without a real tradition, which had been
carefully eliminated during the previous era.[ii]
For this reason Hungarians today need to reconsider what identity is
just like Americans do. I agree with Alice Kessler-Harris when, in her
essay “Cultural Locations: Positioning American Studies in the Great
Debate”, she suggests that in order to preserve a nation’s
cultural unity whilst also doing
“justice to the multiplicity of cultures” (339) we have to
reconsider what we mean by identity. Unfortunately, she does not
engage in possible ways of reinterpretation. Janice Radway (quoted
above) on the other hand, gives what I would call the exact answer:
identity has to be redefined in terms of ever changing and dynamic
relationships to communities. And even though Hungary is not nearly as
diverse as the United States and the tension between members of
different communities is much less severe, Hungary is also a
multicultural nation and should think of itself as one. In
the following I would like to recount the experiences I, not belonging
to any of the groups that suffer from negative discrimination, had
shaping my identity or in connection with the factors that formed and
are forming it. I
consider it important to point out here that talking about oppressed
groups (I feel the need to repeat that by being oppressed I mean
having less choice) I do not exclusively mean minority groups.
Being a woman in Hungary can mean being oppressed even though
women comprise the larger proportion of the population[iii].
It took me a while to realise that I too live in a multicultural
society where not everybody was the same, even though they were all
Hungarian. Very early on I knew who gypsies were (my best friend then
also being one) but I did not think they were in any way different
from me. Even when my gypsy classmate was “advised” to attend
another school I did not think they were in any way inferior or
treated that way. Even now I stand puzzled when my gypsy students
(whom I teach English so they can sit the entrance exam for the
university[iv])
tell me how they have been raised being told they would always be
expected to work ten times harder to achieve the same as any student
who was not of gypsy origin. For a long time I could not tell if
somebody was Jewish or not. Now I more or less can and am of two minds
about this acquired ability. On the one hand I believe one should not
in any way differentiate between one person and the other, whilst on
the other hand I suppose not recognising someone’s racial position
might equal not acknowledging their culture. So in this respect I very
much hold with what Gregory S. Jay in his essay “Taking
Multiculturalism Personally” calls “pluralist multiculturalism”
(104). Before
going on to discuss the two kinds of multiculturalism, I would like to
take a brief detour to make note of the remarkable similarity of
experience Gregory S. Jay and I seem to have despite him being the
child of a “secular Jewish father and a lapsed Mormon mother”
(113). At one point in his life he found himself asking the same
questions as I still ask myself, being the daughter of white, educated
parents coming from a family with generations of teachers, lawyers and
engineers:[v]
“Did I have a race or ethnicity, a gender or sexual orientation a
class or a nationality? Was my cultural identity singular or plural?
And was it something I got by inheritance and imposition, or something
I could choose and alter at my will? Who was I that I hadn’t had a
cultural identity crisis?” (113) He also gives the answer to why
these questions in my case arose: … persons who see themselves as very similar to the dominant cultural imaginary do not experience themselves as having a cultural identity, since in their eyes they are not ‘different.’ (117) However,
knowing the reason does not suffice. It still does not give me an
identity. I am a Gypsy in the sense that I find the search for freedom
to be the governing principle of my life. I am Christian in the sense
that I value human life above all. I am Jewish in the sense that I
find charity to be of supreme importance and a duty everyone should
perform. I am pagan in the sense that I believe one should sense the
vibrations and pulsations of the universe and breathe together with
the earth. However, I cannot claim to belong fully to any of these
communities. In one of my history lessons at school my class was
learning about the Holocaust and why it happened. My teacher was
explaining the Aryan theory and she all of a sudden pointed at me
saying in a most appreciative tone: “She is a typical Aryan, look at
her”. I thought her behaviour was revolting as I thought it was
unacceptably discriminative, and yet for a second it gave me the
comfort of belonging somewhere. As I know that not belonging to any
minority group can be as much a burden as a privilege, I consider
myself to be able to empathise to a great degree with people who as a
result of their oppressed position suffer from identity crises. Thus,
I suppose I am entitled to speak, moreover it is my duty to raise my
voice for the oppressed even though I do not totally share their
experience. Let
me now return to the two kinds of multiculturalism Jay talks about. He
describes one that celebrates difference, what he calls the pluralist
approach, and one that is more concerned with fighting oppression
which “rather than accepting the borders between cultural groups, it
insists on analysing how cultural divisions are constructed
historically through racist politics…” (104). The latter brand of
multiculturalism seems to aim at the ultimate demolition of the
borders between cultural groups and regards them to be purely a make
of intolerant policies of intolerant people. I am still at a loss to
come to a conclusion regarding this matter – that is whether to
accept borders or not – as I can see both parties’ reasons. This
seems to be an irresolvable dilemma. And so does the question of
whether the scholar who is not oppressed is in the position to speak
for the oppressed. Is it better to be an outsider and be more
objective (if possible) but perhaps not genuinely involved? Is one
able to fully understand people with whom one does not share basic
experiences? Or is it absolutely necessary for one to be gay, lesbian,
Gypsy, black — that is, to have first-hand experience? I
would propose that there are no rules and no straightforward answers
in this question. Whilst to an outsider it may be more convincing to
hear a “person of colour” (to be politically correct) on the
subject of racial discrimination, there is always a chance that the
person in question might not be able to distance themselves from the
subject to any degree, and so they might find themselves doing more
harm than good simply by being biased or too emotional. On the other
hand, a “white” person (whatever that might mean) may not sound
“authentic” on the subject. But the situation is further
complicated by a combination of the two positions: not involved
directly but emotionally over-reacting. Let me give a few examples
that show how controversial a matter this is. Eve Kosofsky Sedgewick
is a distinguished scholar of “Queer Theory”. She shows as much
emotional concern as one would if directly involved in the matter. She
in a large number of her works is primarily concerned with gay men.
Yet, despite her obviously lacking in male gay experience, she seems
rather involved emotionally in the subject. To demonstrate her concern
let me refer to her “Introduction: Axiomatic” in which she talks
about how ignorance “competes with knowledge in mobilizing the flows
of energy” (4) To
prove this she gives the example of how the U.S. Justice Department
ruled (in 1986) that an employer could freely fire any employee with
AIDS so long as they claimed to be ignorant of the medical fact. I do
share Sedgewick’s indignation by how Americans institutionalised
ignorance as an excuse for firing people with AIDS. However, I also
think that by saying that this act is the “ostentatious declaration,
for the private sector, of an organized open season on gay men” she
gives the impression that it is only gay men who are threatened by
this unacceptable law. It is true, however, that in a footnote she
adds it is not only gay men who become victims of this ruling but I
should think this remark is more significant than being just a
sentence in a footnote, which the reader may or may not read. The
reason for this is the mere fact that it sounds slightly biased to
claim – as the main body of the text without the footnote seems to
suggest – that a measure is exclusively aimed against a certain
group of people when it obviously affects members of various other
groups as well. I believe that one – let alone a scholar – cannot
afford to be or even to sound biased as by doing so they can influence
the reception and consideration of the subject they advocate in a
negative way. Another rather astonishing statement Sedgewick makes at
the very beginning of her introduction is the following: The
book will argue that an understanding of virtually any aspect of
modern Western culture must be, not merely incomplete, but
damaged in its central substance to the degree that it does not
incorporate a critical analysis of modern homo/heterosexual
definition; (1, italics mine) This
statement sounds so aggressive that one begins to wonder whether the
author forgot to insert “unless” or “if” somewhere in the
sentence. Even if her claim happens to be true, as the case must have
been, I do not think it justifiable to adopt such tone, as it is
unlikely to promote the case. Based on the above Sedgewick might be
considered as a witness for both the prosecution and the defence.
I would also like to refer to the academic debate between
Barbara Christian and Michael Awkward on literary theory. Both
scholars are non-white, thus very sensitive to the subject, yet
Awkward seems considerably more “sober” than Christian. I do agree
with Christian on a lot of the issues she tackles (e.g. her opposition
to the hegemony of academic literary theory and also her reluctance to
produce one almighty black feminist literary theory that would
determine how texts should be read), however, I cannot sympathise with
her overriding anger because it makes her sound bitter and biased. She
is so much preoccupied with her emotional reaction to the subject that
she declares what she considers to be facts without making an effort
to support her ideas with examples, thus depriving her case from a
sound base. Michael Awkward’s reasoning on the other hand sounds
calm and logical, and what is more important, persuasive. Based
on the above examples, I would say that any scholar who will engage in
speaking for the voiceless, regardless of whether they have or lack
first-hand experience of the subject they address, has to choose their
tone and volume carefully to make sure the ones in power will listen. Finally,
let me turn to women, as being female is at last something I have
direct experience of. To many, feminism is a rather suspicious term,
especially in Hungary, as people more often than not have vague,
sometimes wild ideas about what it may be and will automatically
condemn anybody who is in any way involved in it. On hearing the word
“feminist” there will immediately appear a floating image in
people’s minds of a wild and aggressive woman who is ready to punch
any man who comes her way. (To be fair, often it is not without reason
people have this concept of the “feminist” woman.) For years I
could not understand feminism at all. I could not identify with any of
its issues and kept asking: “What’s wrong here, what is there to
fight for?” My puzzle was obviously due to my lack of experience and
my want of awareness of what feminism was rooted in. The people who
will frown at feminism similarly have no experience and factual
knowledge concerning this matter, and, as a consequence, cannot
conceive of its validity. Thus, I consider the works of Nina Baym,
Linda Kerber and Barbara Welter paramount for their informative role
and believe that the roots and aims of feminism should be widely
promoted just like these works did. Despite my initial riddle, and
having read the works of authors like Susan Glaspell, Kate Chopin and
Charlotte Perkins Gilman (to name but a few), I cannot but declare
myself to be a feminist. I will, nevertheless, always add that in my
lexis “feminism” means being sensitive to women’s problems
arising from their position in society, and it does not necessarily
mean being an advocate of total emancipation and by no means does it
mean being anti-male. I
often find myself thinking emancipation is not an altogether positive
thing as its distorted execution results in women often being treated
rudely, even crudely, which insults me as a woman even if I am not
personally involved in the incident. Some (men and women as well)
might say “that’s what women wanted, so that’s what they get:
being treated as equals”. However,
I am not quite sure this is what women have been fighting for,
and reading Barbara Welter’s “The Cult of True womanhood:
1820-1860” makes me think that I too would have been utterly
revolted by the ideal imposed upon me by a fundamentally patriarchal
society had I lived one, two or three hundred years ago. Yet another
parallel can be drawn between the situation in the U.S and in Hungary.
This time the parallel involves women. Linda Kerber in her essay
“Can a Woman Be an individual? The Discourse of Self-Reliance”
gives a comprehensive overview of how the old American master texts
eliminated the idea of women as individuals. Also, the fact that women
are practically not included in the American literary canon and that
women could not be the protagonists of any of the highly thought of
texts shows, as Nina Baym put it, “that the matter of American
experience is inherently male” (222). Reading
The Corvina Book of
Hungarian Verse is
a similarly shocking experience: there is just one woman poet amongst
the thirty-seven poets it includes.[vi]
On top of this, it is a bilingual anthology, which means that any
foreigner who happens to be interested in Hungarian poetry will get
the impression that Hungary had only one woman poet since the 16th
century. This is the image we export to the world. One might still
ask: why is this important at all? Why would women want to be
represented on the literary, social or political scene? Eve Kosofsky
Sedgewick gives the answer when explaining how men in communicating
with women, by claiming to be ignorant of women’s discourse, can be
dominant in defining the terms of exchange. She quotes Sally McConnel-Ginet:
…men, with superior extra-linguistic resources and privileged discourse positions, are often less likely to treat perspectives different from their own as mutually available for communication’ their attitudes are ‘thus more likely to leave a lasting imprint on the common semantic stock than women’s.’ (4) Remaining
silent can be a form of protest and can indeed be effective. Being
silenced, however, and, as a consequence, not having an influence on
the general terms of communication means being paralysed, as no
problems can be tackled without effective communication. This is why
it is important, what is more, essential to be verbally represented
– because it can and often does mean survival.
In
the above pages I ventured to consider various questions of forming
ones identity mainly based on my personal experiences. I tried to
consider whether scholars, who are in the position to make their voice
heard but might lack first-hand experience, can speak for the
oppressed whilst also reflecting on the objectivity and validity of
the judgement of those personally involved. I tried to look at this
from my perspective in studying American culture, and endeavoured to
show how it can help one in developing sensitivity towards problems
resulting from super- and subordinate positions in a society.
To conclude I would like to say that it is a definite duty of
any scholar to be a medium between these super- and subordinate
groups. In addition to this, I also believe that by being
fundamentally about the question of identity American Studies will
inevitably make one reconsider one’s position as an individual in
relation to others, as a member of a society. This way, through
developing empathy towards other individuals, one will be able to read
their texts; and the more texts one is able to decipher, the more
successful one will be in communication and addressing problems. I
would like to finish off by quoting Janice Radway who articulates what
I consider the most important idea every society should acknowledge as
a first step towards becoming multicultural: “Identity is never
unitarily achieved, as a result, not even by the claims of
nationalism.” (12). _____________________________________________________________________ BibliographyAwkward,
Michael. “Appropriative Gestures: Theory and Afro- American Literary
Criticism,” in African American Literary Theory. Ed. Winston
Napier. New York UP, 2000,331-338 Baym,
Nina. “Melodramas of Beset Manhood: How Theories of American Fiction
Exclude Women Authors,” commentary by Margaret McFadden in Locating
American Studies: The Evolution of a Discipline. Ed. Lucy Maddox.
Baltimore: John Hopkins UP, 1999. 215-234 Berkhoffer
Jr., Robert F. “A New Context for a New American Studies?”
Commentary by Barry Shank in Locating American Studies: The
Evolution of a Discipline. Ed. Lucy Maddox. Baltimore: John
Hopkins UP, 1999. 279-309 Bollobás, Enikő.
“Umpires and Fabulae of Old and New: New American Studies and the
Postmodern Episteme,” in Hungarian Journal of English and
American Studies, 2001, not yet published when this essay was
written. Christian,
Barbara. “The Race for Theory (1987)” in African American
Literary Theory. Ed. Winston Napier. New York UP, 2000, 643-652 Cofer,
Judith Ortiz. “Silent Dancing” in Coming from Home: Readings
for Writers. Ed. Marjorie F. et al., New York: McGrow Hill, 1993,
282-288. Fetterley,
Judith. “Reading about Reading: ‘A Jury of Her Peers’, ‘The
Murders in the Rue Morgue’, and ‘The Yellow Wallpaper,’” in Gender
and Reading: Essays on Readers, Texts and Contexts. Ed. Elizabeth
A. Flynn and Patrocinio P Schweickart. John Hopkins UP, 1986, 147-164 “Go
to school – and stay there” in The Economist December 1st-7th
2001, 30. István, Lázár. Hungary:
A Brief History.
Budapest: Corvina, 2001. Jackson
Turner, Frederick. “The Significance of the Frontier in American
History.” Jay,
Gregory S. “Taking Multiculturalism Personally,” in American
Literature and the Culture Wars. Ithaca: Cornell UP, 1007, 18-57 Kerber,
Linda. “Can a Woman Be an Individual? The Discourse on
Self-Reliance,” in Toward an Intellectual History of Women.
Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina Press, 1997, 200-223 Kessler-Harris,
Alice. “Cultural Locations: Positioning American Studies in the
Great Debate.” (Locating American Studies. The Evolution of a
Discipline. Ed. Lucy Maddox. Baltimore: John Hopkins UP, 1999.
335-352) Kosofsky Sedgewick, Eve. “Introduction:
Axiomatic,” in The Epistemology of the Closet. U of
California P, 1990, 1-63 Orwell,
George. Animal Farm. Electronic edition version 0.9 April 1998
26 January 2002 http://www.ddc.net/wgg/etext/animal.htm#10 Radway,
Janice. “What’s in a Name?” Presidential Address to the
American Studies Association, 20 November 1998, in American
Quarterly 51.1 [March 1999]: 1-32 The
Lost Rider: A Bilingual Anthology.
Ed. Dávidházi P.
et al. Budapest: Corvina, 1997. Welter,
Barbara. “The Cult of True Womanhood: 1820-1860,” in Locating
American Studies. The Evolution of a Discipline. Ed. Lucy Maddox.
Baltimore: John Hopkins UP, 1999. 43-66 2001
CIA World Fact book. 26 January 2002: www.odci.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/hu.html _____________________________________________________________________ paula@paulacska.com [i]
Against a background of the new Darwinism, Marxism, Socialism —
and revolutions in Europe, actual and attempted. [ii]
I will not expand here on all the tensions that had built up as a
result of an imposed, false unity based on an alien ideology that
was contrary to all Hungarian tradition(s). These tensions were
suddenly released and they culminated in an unbound race for
possession and also massive crime.
[iii]
There are approximately 10% more women than men in Hungary (0.91
men : 1 woman) (CIA World Factbook, 2001) [iv]
I did not realise the weight of this until I read an article in The
Economist about the situation of European gipsy children.
According to the article one third of them never attend
school. (The Economist 30) [v]
By saying this I only wish to indicate the rather fortunate and by
no means racially oppressed position of my family. Although being
well-mannered and coming from an educated background – let alone
being a member of the aristocracy – doomed anyone persona non
grata in the Communist era in Hungary. But I am far too young
to have experienced what it meant to be a “class alien”, as
such people were labelled. [vi]
Needless to say all the editors of the anthology are male.
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